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POLI7012 Chap.2 Colonialism and Nation-State Formation

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Chapter 2 of 10 · POLI7012

Colonialism and Nation-State Formation

What this week asks you to explain

The week on colonialism and nation-state formation sets up every country chapter that follows. Its question is deceptively simple: where did the states of modern Southeast Asia come from, and whose interests do they serve? The three essential readings answer at three levels.

Elson works at the level of territory and administration, tracing how European powers turned a crowded, shifting field of polities into a handful of bounded units. Anderson works at the level of the state as an institution, asking why Indonesia under Suharto behaved so much like the Dutch colonial apparatus.

Glassman works at the level of ideas, showing how Cold War strategists and geographers invented a unified region in order to set it against China.

Elson: the colonial container

Elson argues that precolonial statecraft valued control of people over control of land, so boundaries were loose and power was personal. European trade companies at first simply inserted themselves into Asian commerce.

The decisive shift came late in the nineteenth century, when colonial capitals pushed outward, fixed frontiers by agreement among the European powers, and filled the new territories with officials, surveys, legal codes and railways. By around 1920 only six real states remained. Some of these gave shape to older kingdoms on the mainland; others, above all in the archipelago, had no basis beyond the colonial frontier itself.

Colonial classification also sorted populations into groups that sometimes had not existed as groups before, and nationalists later claimed the whole container, minorities included.

Anderson: the state as its own actor

Anderson insists that nation and state are different entities joined by a hyphen.

A state is an institution with memory, rules and self-preserving habits, and it usually predates the nation that claims it. Policy in any nation-state therefore blends state interests with participatory ones.

In Indonesia the balance swung sharply: a powerful colonial bureaucracy, near collapse under Japanese occupation and revolution, penetration by parties in the 1950s, rising army power under Guided Democracy, and finally a New Order that Anderson reads as the old state reborn.

Its handling of foreign aid, multinational firms, Chinese business and the armed forces makes sense, he argues, only from the standpoint of the apparatus.

Glassman: the region as a Cold War project

Glassman shows that the idea of Southeast Asia as a coherent region with its own character gained force in the 1950s alongside American efforts to build SEATO.

A distinct Chinese Other required an equally distinct regional self, and building that self meant downplaying class conflict inside the region. Environmental determinists and pragmatic constructivists alike ended up treating local protest as foreign subversion.

He warns that the post-2001 framing of militant Islam risks repeating the same move.

How to use the week in your own writing

For the group project and the term paper, the payoff is a habit of asking three questions about any present-day conflict you choose: which colonial border or category produced the actors, which state interests the government is defending, and which outside threat is being invoked to explain away grievances at home.

A paper that answers all three will read as comparative politics rather than current affairs.

In this chapter

What this chapter covers

  • 01

    Relational identity of the region before high imperialism

  • 02

    Mandala statecraft and the priority of people over land

  • 03

    Colonial consolidation into six states by about 1920

  • 04

    Borders, bureaucracy and the decline of revenue farming

  • 05

    Colonial classification and the making of ethnic categories

  • 06

    Nationalists claiming the whole colonial state

  • 07

    Anderson's distinction between state and nation interests

  • 08

    Cold War geography and the construction of a Chinese Other

Worked example · free

Explain a New Order policy as a state interest

Q [10 marks]. AskSia-authored practice. Using Anderson's framework, explain why Suharto's New Order excluded Indonesians of Chinese descent from high office while allowing Chinese-owned business to prosper. The marks shown are an AskSia study allocation, not a University marking scheme.
A schematic ordering, not a measured index.A schematic ordering, not a measured index. Heights follow Anderson's narrative: the state nearly vanishes after 1945 and returns strongest under the New Order.Which interest dominates the Indonesian stateStateNationColonialto 1942Japanese1942 to 45Revolution1945 to 49Parliament1950 to 57Guided1957 to 65New Orderfrom 1966
A schematic ordering, not a measured index. Heights follow Anderson's narrative: the state nearly vanishes after 1945 and returns strongest under the New Order.
  • 2State the framework: nation-states mix state interests and participatory national interests, and the New Order is Anderson's case of state interests at their maximum.
  • 2Describe the policy accurately: political exclusion (no Chinese cabinet ministers, suppression of Chinese schools and publications) combined with economic favour.
  • 2Show that no obvious national interest explains it, since the favour extended to aliens as well as citizens and provoked popular resentment.
  • 3Explain the state logic: resources flow to the apparatus without any cession of power, because a pariah group depends on officials for protection.
  • 1Link back to colonial precedent, Furnivall's plural society, to show continuity of the old state.
Anderson reads the New Order as the colonial state reborn, a regime whose policies express the interests of the apparatus rather than of the nation. Its treatment of Chinese Indonesians fits this reading closely. Citizens of Chinese descent were shut out of cabinets and senior office, their schools and publications were closed, yet Chinese-owned firms prospered under official protection. No national interest explains this pairing, since the favour reached aliens as well as citizens and fed popular anger. From the standpoint of the state, however, it is efficient: the regime gains revenue and business partners without sharing power, because a pariah group can survive only by depending on officials. The arrangement echoes the colonial plural society, which confirms Anderson's claim that the post-colonial state inherited its predecessor's habits along with its territory.
Sia tip — Before you name who benefits from a policy, write one sentence saying whether it strengthens the state apparatus or answers a popular demand; then test that sentence against the evidence.
Glossary

Key terms

Mandala Pattern
A model of precolonial rule in which power radiated from a leader and his followers rather than from a fixed territory. Wolters's term, used by Elson to explain why early boundaries shifted constantly.
Revenue Farming
A practice in which a state rented the right to collect certain taxes to private agents. Elson treats its decline in the early twentieth century as evidence that colonial states could now collect revenue themselves.
Beamtenstaat
A German term for a state run by and for its officials. Anderson applies it to the late colonial Netherlands Indies, whose civil service was overwhelmingly staffed by Indonesians.
State-Qua-State
The state considered as an institution with its own interests, apart from the nation it claims to represent. Anderson uses it to explain New Order policy.
Watertight State System
Elson's description, borrowed from Dixon, of colonial states that communicated with their metropoles far more than with each other. It helps explain the weak sense of regional identity after independence.
Imaginative Geography
Said's term for the way powerful actors produce knowledge that maps and defines the peoples they dominate. Glassman applies it to Cold War accounts of Southeast Asia.
Regional We-Self
Glassman's label for the unified Southeast Asian identity that Cold War writing constructed against a Chinese Other. Building it required downplaying class and other internal divisions.
FAQ

Colonialism and Nation-State Formation FAQ

Why did Southeast Asian nationalists keep colonial borders after independence?

Elson argues that nationalists wanted to inherit the modern state the colonisers had built, not to restore older kingdoms. Indonesian leaders claimed the whole Dutch territory rather than Mataram, Burman nationalists rejected separate Shan and Karen claims, and Filipino leaders insisted on including the Moro areas. The borders had also been fixed by agreement among European powers, which gave them international standing.

What does Anderson mean by calling Indonesia's New Order an old state?

He means that the regime revived the logic of the Dutch colonial bureaucracy after two decades in which parties, militias and popular movements had weakened it. Suharto's career lay entirely inside the security apparatus, and his policies on aid, foreign investment, the Chinese minority and the army served the state's own power more than any national demand.

How did the Cold War shape the idea of Southeast Asia as a region?

Glassman shows that American propaganda around SEATO and the work of regional geographers such as Fisher and Fryer both defined the region against China. To make the region appear unified, they treated local unrest by peasants, workers and students as foreign subversion, which hid its roots in class conflict. Earlier writers had often doubted the region existed at all.

Study strategy

Assessment move

Build a three-column table for each country you study this semester. In the first column note the colonial power and the border or category it created; in the second, one policy of the post-colonial state that protects the apparatus; in the third, the external threat the government invoked. Fill one row after each weekly reading group, and use the finished table to choose the angle of your group project.

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